2009年1月30日 星期五

大河人生》快垮的時候 施振榮還是要「利他」

大河人生》快垮的時候 施振榮還是要「利他」
【聯合報╱記者鄒秀明】 http://udn.com/NEWS/NATIONAL/NAT5/4710001.shtml
2009.01.30 01:37 am

施振榮退休後享受人生,他不斷強調,人活著最重要的是自我肯定,別人的名利與成就可當榜樣,不必羨慕。記者邱勝旺/攝影初秋朝陽灑在台北市東區巷道,這天清晨,宏碁創辦人施振榮與太太葉紫華攜手穿梭在行道樹交織出的綠蔭中,偶遇鄰居熱情問候,他總帶笑致意。找個充滿浪漫的公園涼亭坐下,他談起學思歷程,發揮一貫理性邏輯,滔滔分析「利他是永續的利己」。
時代雜誌 譽為英雄
施振榮在全球電腦業擁有教父級地位,時代雜誌讚譽他是「亞洲英雄」。即使退休過著平凡生活,他數十年來累積無數的成功、挫折,一點一滴濃縮成智慧結晶,足以匯流成澎湃大河,豐沛地灌溉每個受他影響的人。
交棒後的施振榮終於能和牽手葉紫華,優閒過日子。記者邱勝旺/攝影施振榮講求「自律」,老社區住了大半輩子,直到退休,才敢大大方方出來散步。他望著葉紫華笑說,從前沒退休時,上班時間怎麼可以不在公司?「我很怕宏碁股東罵我工作不認真啊!」自我要求的個性表露無遺。
人人都有面對危機、挫折的時候,但施振榮憑藉堅強信念,關鍵時刻面不改色,他確信、執著、落實「利他」原則,也能屢屢突破瓶頸,開創新局。例如他承認失敗,著手主導宏碁集團品牌、代工分家,成為業界成功典範;他堅持六十歲退休,說到做到,更立下企業傳賢不傳子的佳話。
卅三年前施振榮開創宏碁集團,每場品牌仗打得轟轟烈烈,期間歷經幾次挫折、磨難;最慘澹的時候,「我可以感覺到,無論公司內外、媒體,每一個都說宏碁快垮了。」施振榮憶起
施振榮小時候與母親施陳秀蓮合拍的沙龍照。圖/施振榮提供當年面臨品牌、代工互相衝突,雖自己認為情況沒那麼悲觀,不過當時已打定主意,萬一公司怎麼了,只要盡心盡力,「我問心無愧」。
60歲退休 他做到了
施振榮當時扭轉乾坤,一手主導宏碁品牌、代工分家,貫徹六十歲就要退休的諾言,提供更寬廣的舞台給專業經理人,還邀集各路人才一起追求品牌大夢;宏碁如今成為全球數一數二電腦品牌,也奠定施振榮品牌教父地位,堅持「利他是永續的利己」獲得絕佳驗證。
經營哲學 不留一手
他常主張「人性本善」、「不留一手的經營
宏碁創辦人施振榮小時留影,頗有帥哥架式。圖/施振榮提供智慧」、「要命不要面子」、「認輸才會贏」等,有人會笑他為何這麼傻?過去也有宏碁主管懷疑「成功經驗全告訴別人,不是等於幫助敵人?」他笑說,「平常太多周遭的人要你放棄這個信念。」其實,「我不傻,我是呷好道相報!」
如何不貪 時刻檢討
「我一開始這樣做,是受媽媽影響,」施振榮說,但是隨著自己累積人生歷練後,知道「利他」可以得到永續利己,再以此出發,訂出行為規範;凡事只要利己為先,就不能永續,最後都會吃虧,這原則只要破壞,後果不堪設想。
施振榮說,這些只要想通,就不會再為了利他或利己、該做或不該做天人交戰。他也熟知「貪」是與生俱來的人性,貪名、貪利、貪
施振榮說自己從小就愛玩,並由中得到許多啟示。圖/施振榮提供玩、貪色都是人性,所以他任何時間都在檢討該如何避免。
【2009/01/30 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/



新聞:..::大河人生》日子清清白白 活得就有價值::..

大河人生》日子清清白白 活得就有價值
【聯合報╱本報記者鄒秀明】
2009.01.30 01:37 am

從前政府開放民間籌設新銀行,施振榮認為,經營企業不應該經營銀行,他堅持不參加;這次金融海嘯席捲全球,施振榮也充分堅守原則,毫髮無傷。
兩、三年前,他回鹿港老家,在銀行工作的親戚介紹利息「保證」百分之七的商品,「我一聽就覺得不可能,」施振榮說,天下沒有坐在家裡,就有高利息掉下來的事。
這是整個社會都在貪。由客戶一路到理專、銀行高級幹部,出發點都是利己大於利他嘛。不過,施振榮把雷曼兄弟這類結構債,當成台灣八零年代非法吸金的鴻源機構,只是鴻源很粗糙,但結構債是經過精細包裝的吸金騙局。
施振榮退休後,創立智融集團,當起「知識經濟」的推手,他對內宣揚「容易賺的錢,我不要」、「沒有附加價值的東西,就不應該賺人家的錢」。他坦言有很多同仁不習慣,真正碰到那種狀況時,不想去賺,還真不容易。但他在旁邊不斷叮嚀,希望養成一種文化、行為。
施振榮特別強調,每個人的人生遭遇都不一樣,別人的名利,可以當榜樣,但不必羨慕,絕不可當成目標。有人說,這輩子沒有賺到多少錢、沒有爬到某個位置,就好像人生失敗,但他認為,大家聰明才智、遭遇不同,只要能自我肯定,日子過得清清白白,自己感覺比其他有錢、有地位的人,活得更有價值,這樣就夠了。
施振榮樂於宣傳「利他是永續的利己」,他如大河般的人生智慧,從不吝灌溉每條引道。
他說,「人生沒有任何狀況會重複,每個人遭遇都不一樣,前一秒後一秒時間都不同,但要能抓住原則,堅持原則很重要。」
他如傳教士般不斷強調堅持正派、原則的重要,堅持原則的背後,必須有強大信念支撐。他建議,每件事情發生前、發生後,都要反省檢討驗證,慢慢養成習慣,當大事發生時,真的就能堅持原則,一點也不難。他的話,像朝陽一樣,給人希望,也溫暖人心。
【2009/01/30 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

從前政府開放民間籌設新銀行,施振榮認為,經營企業不應該經營銀行,他堅持不參加;這次金融海嘯席捲全球,施振榮也充分堅守原則...

新聞:..::大河人生》小時不了了 「玩」出領導統御術::..

大河人生》小時不了了 「玩」出領導統御術
【聯合報╱記者鄒秀明】
2009.01.30 01:37 am

約莫廿歲的施振榮,正歷經大學重考,成了交通大學第一屆的電子系學生。青春年少,最讓施振榮得意的當年勇,就是創立交大的「棋橋社」及「攝影社」;往後人生的勇於創新、領導統御,都是在交大「玩」出來的。
施振榮在科技業備受敬重,他提出「微笑曲線」、「台灣競爭力」、「品牌價值」公式,都成一家之言。但「小時不了了」是他年少時的寫照。
施振榮說,他小時候愛玩,諸如尪仔標、射橡皮筋,甚至賭錢,樣樣他都嘗試。「我小學讀完書、賣完鴨蛋後,就開始玩。」他笑說,當時成績是班上五、六名,中學變成十、二十名,高中的時候掉到二十、三十名,考大學自認成績不理想,重考。
「我是重考生,年紀比較大,很容易在班上、宿舍裡帶頭。」但他不是帶頭讀書,而是帶頭玩樂。他社團玩得凶,創辦棋橋社、攝影社之外,還擔任桌球、排球隊隊長。
談起當年舉辦交大首屆的桌球大賽,施振榮特別興高采烈,他自認那一次賽事辦得轟轟烈烈,全校人人輪流打、而且都要排名,可說前無古人、後無來者。
施振榮從小愛玩,高中時曾以補習為名,在母親允許下,單獨北上「流浪」一個多月,去看紀政、楊傳廣比賽,到歌廳聽歌、泡茶。
但他說,這段「流浪」過程中學到自立自律,「沒人管你了,但也不能做壞事,這是一種成長」,領悟出「人生遲早要對自己負責」。
「小時了了,其實不好」,施振榮甚至認為,小時候如果沒有挫折歷練,長大遇到小小的失敗,容易一下就被打垮。例如後來創辦宏碁,他說,當年環境不好,但大家都有「窮小子文化」,搶著出頭天,實際上成就更高。
即使「小時不了了」,但施振榮從小懂得自我肯定,他認為人不該妄自菲薄。有件事,現在談起敏感,施振榮原不太想說,但不禁透露,他念大學時,也看過鄰國有總統貪汙被罵,心裡就想「我一定比他偉大」,「你作總統有什麼了不起,我的人格比你高尚」。
施振榮曾被時代雜誌封為「亞洲英雄」,他說,感覺很光榮,「我把一台電腦從一萬美元,變成一千美元」,原來這樣也可以跟李光耀、鄧小平齊名。
【2009/01/30 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

約莫廿歲的施振榮,正歷經大學重考,成了交通大學第一屆的電子系學生。青春年少,最讓施振榮得意的當年勇,就是創立交大的「棋橋...

新聞:..::大河人生》快垮的時候 施振榮還是要「利他」::..

大河人生》快垮的時候 施振榮還是要「利他」
【聯合報╱記者鄒秀明】
2009.01.30 01:37 am

施振榮退休後享受人生,他不斷強調,人活著最重要的是自我肯定,別人的名利與成就可當榜樣,不必羨慕。記者邱勝旺/攝影初秋朝陽灑在台北市東區巷道,這天清晨,宏碁創辦人施振榮與太太葉紫華攜手穿梭在行道樹交織出的綠蔭中,偶遇鄰居熱情問候,他總帶笑致意。找個充滿浪漫的公園涼亭坐下,他談起學思歷程,發揮一貫理性邏輯,滔滔分析「利他是永續的利己」。
時代雜誌 譽為英雄
施振榮在全球電腦業擁有教父級地位,時代雜誌讚譽他是「亞洲英雄」。即使退休過著平凡生活,他數十年來累積無數的成功、挫折,一點一滴濃縮成智慧結晶,足以匯流成澎湃大河,豐沛地灌溉每個受他影響的人。
交棒後的施振榮終於能和牽手葉紫華,優閒過日子。記者邱勝旺/攝影施振榮講求「自律」,老社區住了大半輩子,直到退休,才敢大大方方出來散步。他望著葉紫華笑說,從前沒退休時,上班時間怎麼可以不在公司?「我很怕宏碁股東罵我工作不認真啊!」自我要求的個性表露無遺。
人人都有面對危機、挫折的時候,但施振榮憑藉堅強信念,關鍵時刻面不改色,他確信、執著、落實「利他」原則,也能屢屢突破瓶頸,開創新局。例如他承認失敗,著手主導宏碁集團品牌、代工分家,成為業界成功典範;他堅持六十歲退休,說到做到,更立下企業傳賢不傳子的佳話。
卅三年前施振榮開創宏碁集團,每場品牌仗打得轟轟烈烈,期間歷經幾次挫折、磨難;最慘澹的時候,「我可以感覺到,無論公司內外、媒體,每一個都說宏碁快垮了。」施振榮憶起
施振榮小時候與母親施陳秀蓮合拍的沙龍照。圖/施振榮提供當年面臨品牌、代工互相衝突,雖自己認為情況沒那麼悲觀,不過當時已打定主意,萬一公司怎麼了,只要盡心盡力,「我問心無愧」。
60歲退休 他做到了
施振榮當時扭轉乾坤,一手主導宏碁品牌、代工分家,貫徹六十歲就要退休的諾言,提供更寬廣的舞台給專業經理人,還邀集各路人才一起追求品牌大夢;宏碁如今成為全球數一數二電腦品牌,也奠定施振榮品牌教父地位,堅持「利他是永續的利己」獲得絕佳驗證。
經營哲學 不留一手
他常主張「人性本善」、「不留一手的經營
宏碁創辦人施振榮小時留影,頗有帥哥架式。圖/施振榮提供智慧」、「要命不要面子」、「認輸才會贏」等,有人會笑他為何這麼傻?過去也有宏碁主管懷疑「成功經驗全告訴別人,不是等於幫助敵人?」他笑說,「平常太多周遭的人要你放棄這個信念。」其實,「我不傻,我是呷好道相報!」
如何不貪 時刻檢討
「我一開始這樣做,是受媽媽影響,」施振榮說,但是隨著自己累積人生歷練後,知道「利他」可以得到永續利己,再以此出發,訂出行為規範;凡事只要利己為先,就不能永續,最後都會吃虧,這原則只要破壞,後果不堪設想。
施振榮說,這些只要想通,就不會再為了利他或利己、該做或不該做天人交戰。他也熟知「貪」是與生俱來的人性,貪名、貪利、貪
施振榮說自己從小就愛玩,並由中得到許多啟示。圖/施振榮提供玩、貪色都是人性,所以他任何時間都在檢討該如何避免。
【2009/01/30 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

初秋朝陽灑在台北市東區巷道,這天清晨,宏碁創辦人施振榮與太太葉紫華攜手穿梭在行道樹交織出的綠蔭中,偶遇鄰居熱情問候,他總...

新聞:..::大河人生》寬大溫厚 絕不出口傷人::..

大河人生》寬大溫厚 絕不出口傷人
【聯合報╱記者鄒秀明】
2009.01.30 01:37 am

施振榮對每件事都要認真思考、理性分析。問他如果年輕可以重來,最想做的五件事有哪些?結果他想到整夜無法成眠,最後結論是「沒有什麼想重來的事」。
他反問自己:「如果年輕做不好的事想要重來,即使真的可以重來,會比現在的我更好嗎?」
對於施振榮的理性,葉紫華戲稱,「他不懂羅曼蒂克啦。」
施振榮也笑著回應說,自己真的完全理性、不帶感性,但家庭卻是相對幸福,「如果有一天我甜言蜜語,太太就要小心了。」接著他又分析說,「那個不會是我,因為不符合利他原則,最後會傷到自己。」
不過,在同仁、部屬的眼中,施振榮絕不說傷人的話,還願意給經理人犯錯、學習的空間,平常不僅能夠容忍反對聲音,開會甚至鼓勵發表不同意見,讓許多人莫不感佩。曾問他為何這麼好,「因為尊重人性,才能激發潛能啊。」
其實,這就是施振榮。他「理性」看待任何事物,但行事管理風格卻又非常「人性」,若不是他特有的寬大溫厚個性,恐怕沒人可以融合兩種看似衝突的元素,搓揉出讓業界驚豔的事業成功「藝術」。
儘管有創業成功的傳奇色彩,但施振榮卻又是如此平凡,他說,或許是從小記性差的緣故,自己連電話號碼都記不起來,課本也不會背,但數學很好,讓他體悟死背不如頭腦想通。任何事都要想通道理,正面的可以當成榜樣,負面的教訓不忘記學習,「我只是把壞處,變成好處而已。」
【2009/01/30 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

施振榮對每件事都要認真思考、理性分析。問他如果年輕可以重來,最想做的五件事有哪些?結果他想到整夜無法成眠,最後結論是「沒...

2009年1月21日 星期三

Obama's words: Inaugural एड्रेस

Obama's words: Inaugural address
Updated 1h 6m ago Comments 156 Recommend 26 E-mail Save Print

SPEECH: Full text of President Obama's address
FULL COVERAGE: Inauguration video, photos, blogs and more
http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2009-01-20-obama-speech-text_N.हतं

Yahoo! Buzz Digg Newsvine Reddit FacebookWhat's this?The following is the prepared text of President Barack Obama's inaugural address, delivered Jan. 20, 2009, in Washington, D.C.:
My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

FIND MORE STORIES IN: United States Washington Barack Obama People George W Bush Concord Scripture God-given
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Source: Presidential Inaugural Committee

就職演說中譯 歐巴馬:這是個負責任的新時代

就職演說中譯 歐巴馬:這是個負責任的新時代http://udn.com/NEWS/WORLD/WORS3/4701354.shtml
【聯合報╱夏嘉玲、張佑生、樂慧生、田思怡譯】
2009.01.21 04:33 am

美國總統歐巴馬廿日發表就職演說,他強調美國經濟需要大膽而快速的行動,不只創造新工作,更要奠定成長的新基礎。法新社
各位同胞:
今天我站在這裡,為眼前的重責大任感到謙卑,對各位的信任心懷感激,對先賢的犧牲銘記在心。我要謝謝布希總統為這個國家的服務,也感謝他在政權轉移期間的寬厚和配合。
四十四位美國人發表過總統就職誓言,這些誓詞或是在繁榮富強及和平寧靜之際發表,或是在烏雲密布,時局動盪之時。在艱困的時候,美國能箕裘相繼,不僅因為居高位者有能力或願景,也因為人民持續對先人的抱負有信心,也忠於創建我國的法統。
因此,美國才能承繼下來。因此,這一代美國人必須承繼下去。
我們正置身危機核心
現在大家都知道我們正置身危機核心,我國正處於對抗深遠暴力和憎恨的戰爭。我們的經濟元氣大傷,是某些人貪婪且不負責任的後果,也是大眾未能做出艱難的選擇,為國家進入新時代做準備所致。許多人失去房子,丟了工作,生意垮了。我們的醫療照護太昂貴,學校教育辜負了許多人。每天都有更多證據顯示,我們利用能源的方式壯大我們的對敵,威脅我們的星球。
這些都是得自資料和統計數據的危機指標。比較無法測量但同樣深沉的,是舉國信心盡失─持續擔心美國將無可避免地衰退,也害怕下一代一定會眼界變低。
今天我要告訴各位,我們面臨的挑戰是真的,挑戰非常嚴重,且不在少數。它們不是可以輕易,或在短時間內解決。但是,美國要了解,這些挑戰會被解決。
在這一天,我們聚在一起,因為我們選擇希望而非恐懼,有意義的團結而非紛爭和不合。
在這一天,我們來此宣示,那些無用的抱怨和虛偽的承諾已終結,那些扭曲我們政治已久的相互指控和陳舊教條已終結。
我們仍是個年輕的國家,但借用聖經的話,擺脫幼稚事物的時刻到來了,重申我們堅忍精神的時刻到來了,選擇我們更好的歷史,實踐那種代代傳承的珍貴權利,那種高貴的理念:就是上帝的應許,我們每個人都是平等的,每個人都是自由的,每個人都應該有機會追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我們國家的偉大,我們了解偉大絕非賜予而來,必須努力達成。我們的旅程從來就不是抄捷徑或很容易就滿足。這條路一直都不是給不勇敢的人走的,那些偏好逸樂勝過工作,或者只想追求名利就滿足的人。恰恰相反,走這條路的始終是勇於冒險的人,做事的人,成事的人,其中有些人很出名,但更常見的是在各自崗位上的男男女女無名英雄,在這條漫長崎嶇的道路上支撐我們,邁向繁榮與自由。
為了我們,他們攜帶很少的家當,遠渡重洋,追尋新生活。
為了我們,他們胼手胝足,在西部安頓下來;忍受風吹雨打,篳路藍縷。
為了我們,他們奮鬥不懈,在康科特和蓋茨堡,諾曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不斷的奮鬥與犧牲,直到雙手皮開肉綻,我們才能享有比較好的生活。他們將美國視為大於所有個人企圖心總和的整體,超越出身、財富或小圈圈的差異。
這是我們今天繼續前進的旅程。我們仍舊是全球最繁榮強盛的國家。這場危機爆發時,我們的勞工生產力並未減弱。我們的心智一樣創新,我們的產品和勞務和上周或上個月或去年相比,一樣是必需品。我們的能力並未減損。但是我們墨守成規、維護狹小利益、推遲引人不悅的決定,這段時期肯定已經過去。從今天起,我們必須重新出發、再次展開再造美國的工程。
經濟情勢需迅速行動
我們無論朝何處望去,都有工作必須完成。經濟情勢需要大膽、迅速的行動,我們將有所行動,不光是創造新工作,更要奠定成長的新基礎。我們將造橋鋪路,為企業興建電力網格與數位線路,將我們聯繫在一起。我們將讓科學回歸合適的用途,運用科技的奇蹟來提高醫療品質並降低費用。我們將利用太陽能、風力和土壤作為汽車的燃料和工廠的能源。我們將讓中小學及大專院校轉型,因應新時代的需要。這些我們可以作到。我們也將會作到。
現在,有人質疑我們的企圖心規模,暗示說我們的體系無法承受太多的大計畫。這些人的記性不好。因為他們忘記了這個國家已經完成的成就,當創造力朝同一個目標發展,不受約束的男男女女可以完成何等成就,必要的是勇氣。
懷疑者無法理解的是他們的主張已經站不住腳,長期以來折磨我們的陳腐政治爭議已經行不通。我們今天的問題不是政府太大或太小,而是有無功效,是否能幫助家庭找到薪水不錯的工作,支付得起照顧費用,有尊嚴的退休。哪個方向能夠提供肯定的答案,我們就往那裡走。答案是否定的地方,計畫就會停止。所有我們這些管理大眾金錢的人都將負起責任,花錢要精明,改掉惡習,正大光明作事情,只有這樣我們才能重建政府與人民間最重要的信任。
我們眼前的問題也不是說市場的力量是善或惡。市場創造財富和增加自由的力量無與倫比,但是這場危機提醒我們沒有監督時,市場發展將失控,當市場只偏愛有錢人時,國家無法永續繁榮。我們經濟成功的依據,不只是國內生產毛額的規模,還有繁榮可及的範圍,以及我們將機會拓展給每個願意打拚的人,不是因為施捨,而是因為這就是達到我們共同利益最穩健的途徑。
至於我們的共同防衛,我們認為必須在我們的自由和理想之間作一抉擇是不確實的,我們拒絕接受。我們建國諸父在我們難以想像的危難之中。擬具了確保法治和人權的憲章,被一代代以鮮血擴大充實的憲章。這些理想依然照亮這個世界,我們不會為了便宜行事而揚棄它。同樣地,今日在觀看此情此景的其他民族和政府,從最宏偉的都城到家父出生的小村莊,我要說:任何一個國家、男、女、和孩童,只要你在追求一個和平且有尊嚴的未來,美國就是你的朋友,我們準備再次帶領大家。
我們可面對新的威脅
回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主義和共產主義,靠的除了飛彈和戰車之外,還有強固的聯盟和持久的信念。他們知道單單力量本身不足以讓我們自保,也不能讓我們為所欲為。相反地,他們知道我們的力量因為謹慎使用而增強,我們的安全源自我們理想的正當性,我們所樹立楷模的力量,以及謙遜和克制所具有的調和特質。
我們是這些遺產的保存者。在這些原則的再次指引下,我們可以面對那些新的威脅,這些威脅有賴國與國間更大的合作與諒解方能因應。我們將開始以負責任的方式把伊拉克還給它的人民,並在阿富汗建立贏來不易的和平。我們會努力不懈地與老朋友和昔日的對手合作,以減輕核子威脅,和地球的暖化。我們不會為我們的生活方式而道歉,也會毫不動搖地保護它,對那些想要藉由帶來恐怖與殺害無辜以遂其目的者,我們現在告訴你,我們的精神強過你們,無法摧折,你們不可能比我們長久,我們必定打敗你們。
因為我們知道,我們拼湊組合而成的遺產是我們的強處,而非弱點。我們是由基督徒和穆斯林,猶太教徒和印度教徒,以及非信徒組成的國家。我們由取自世界四面八方的各種語文和文化所形塑。而且由於我們曾嘗過內戰和種族隔離的苦果,並且在走出那黑暗時期之後變得更堅強和團結,這讓我們不得不相信舊日的仇恨終究會過去,部族之間的界線很快就會泯滅。隨著世界越來越小,我們共通的人性也會彰顯,而美國必須扮演引進新和平時代的角色。
對穆斯林世界,我們尋求一種新的前進方式,以共同的利益和尊重為基礎。那些想播植衝突並把自己社會的問題怪罪於西方的領袖,須知你的國民藉以判斷你的,是你能建立什麼,而非你能毀壞什麼。那些靠著貪腐欺騙和箝制異己保住權勢的人,須知你門站在歷史錯誤的一邊,而只要你願意鬆手,我們就會幫忙。
那些窮國的人民,我們保證會和你們合作,讓們的農場豐收,讓清流湧入,滋補餓壞的身體,餵養飢餓的心靈。而對那些和我們一樣比較富裕的國家,我要說,我們不能再對國界以外的苦痛視而不見,也不能再消耗世上的資源而不計後果。因為世界已經變了,我們也要跟著改變。
在我們思索眼前道路的此際,我們以謙虛感激的心想到,有些勇敢的美國同胞正在遙遠的沙漠和山嶺上巡邏。今天他們有話要對我們說,就和躺在阿靈頓(公墓)的英雄們世世代代輕聲訴說的一樣。我們尊榮他們,不只因為他們捍衛我們的自由,更因為他們代表著服務的精神;願意在比自己更大的事物上找尋意義。而在此刻,能夠界定一個世代的此刻,必須常駐你我心中的,正是這種精神。
即使政府能做和必須做,這個國家最終仍得靠美國人民的信念與決心。在堤防決堤時,是人們的善心,讓他們招待陌生人。是工作人員的無私,讓他們寧可減工時,也不願看到朋友失業,陪伴我們度過最黑暗時期。是消防員的勇氣,讓他們衝進滿是濃煙的樓梯間。是父母心甘情願培育孩子,最終決定我們的命運。
我們的挑戰也許是新的,我們迎接挑戰的工具也許是新的,但我們賴以成功的價值觀─辛勤工作和誠實、勇氣和公平競爭、容忍和好奇心、忠實和愛國心─這些都是固有的。這些價值是真實的,是我們歷史上進步的沈默力量。我們有必要找回這些真實價值。我們現在需要一個勇於負責的新時代,每一個美國人都體認到我們對自己、對國家、對世界負有責任,我們不是不情願地接受這些責任,而是欣然接受,堅信沒有什麼比全力以赴完成艱難的工作,更能得到精神上的滿足,更能找到自我。
這是公民的代價和承諾。
這是我們信心的來源,體認上帝召喚我們創造不確定的命運。
這是我們的自由和信條的真諦,為什麼不同種族和信仰的男女老幼能在這個大草坪上共同慶祝,為什麼一個人的父親在不到六十年前也許還不能進當地的餐廳用餐,現在卻能站在你們面前做最神聖的宣誓。
讓我們記住這一天,記住我們是誰、我們走了多遠。在美國誕生這一年,在最寒冷的幾個月,在結冰的河岸,一群愛國人士抱著垂死的同志。首都棄守,敵人進逼,雪沾了血。在那時,我們革命的成果受到質疑,我們的國父下令向人民宣讀這段話:
「讓這段話流傳後世,在深冬,只剩下希望和美德,這個城市和這個國家,面臨共同危險,站起來迎向它。」
美國,面對我們共同的危險,在這個艱困的冬天,讓我們記得這些永恆的話語。懷著希望和美德,讓我們再度衝破結冰的逆流,度過接下來可能來臨的暴風雪。讓我們孩子的孩子繼續流傳下去,說我們受到考驗時,我們拒絕讓旅程結束,我們不回頭,也不躊躇;眼睛注視著遠方,上帝的恩典降臨我們,我們帶著自由這個偉大的禮物,安全送達未來的世世代代。
【2009/01/21 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/
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歐巴馬就職演說 英文全文

歐巴馬就職演說 英文全文
【聯合報╱綜合報導】http://udn.com/NEWS/WORLD/WORS3/4701358.shtml
2009.01.21 02:00 am

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
【2009/01/21 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

歐巴馬就職演說 英文全文

歐巴馬就職演說 英文全文
【聯合報╱綜合報導】http://udn.com/NEWS/WORLD/WORS3/4701358.shtml
2009.01.21 02:00 am

My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land - a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things - some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends - hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
【2009/01/21 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

2009年1月19日 星期一

生之理》你懂多少科學?

生之理》你懂多少科學?
【聯合報╱潘震澤】http://udn.com/NEWS/READING/X5/4696798.shtml
2009.01.19 03:14 am

每年到了年底,許多報章雜誌都會來個「年度十大」什麼的評選。美國《時代》雜誌的「十大科學發現」裡,排名第九的是:「你懂多少科學?」理由是說,根據最新調查:美國成年人具有「公民科學素養」的比例,從1988年的10%,上升到了28%;也就是說,每四位美國成人裡就有一位懂點科學。
「公民科學素養」(大陸用「素質」)是英文civic science literacy的翻譯;這個名詞是1975年由美國賓州大學的物理教授班哲民‧沈(Benjamin S. P. Shen)提出來的,指的是一般公民在決定公眾事務時,所應了解的科學知識與方法。另外,沈還提出「實用的」及「文化的」科學素養,與「公民科學素養」並列;前者指的是不知亦能行的實際解決問題之道,後者則是為了單純欣賞的態度,而取得的科學知識。但目前談到科學素養,多數指的是「公民科學素養」。
研究美國社會科學素養二十多年的密西根州立大學教授米勒(Jon Miller),將沈的想法作了進一步衍生,他認為公民科學素養應包括下列三點:一、懂得基本科學字彙;二、了解科學追求的過程或本質;三、曉得科技對個人與社會的影響。因此,無論是米勒還是美國科學基金會(NSF)所設計的公民科學素養問卷,都以這幾點內容為主。
我想讀者裡一定有人同我一樣感到好奇:究竟這份問卷有多難?自己是否具有科學素養?我在NSF網站找到了這份問卷,列在下面讓讀者試試。十三題裡答對九題的(70%),就算是有科學素養的了。
1.地心的溫度很高。
2.所有的放射性物質都是人造的。
3.雷射是將聲波聚焦產生的。
4.電子比原子小。
5.宇宙的起源是一場大爆炸。
6.百萬年來,各大洲的位置一直在移動著,目前仍然如此。
7.是地球繞著太陽轉,還是太陽繞著地球轉?轉一圈要花多長時間?
8.來自父親的基因,決定了孩子的性別。
9.抗生素可以殺死病毒和細菌。
10.今日的人類,是從早先某些動物物種發展而來。
11.醫生告知一對夫妻的基因組成,說他們的小孩有四分之一的機率會罹患某種遺傳疾病。如果說他們頭一個小孩有這種病,那是不是說,接下來的三個小孩都不會有問題?
12.與11題同樣的情況,那是不是說,該夫妻所生的每一個小孩,都有相同的患病風險?
13.科學家想知道某個藥物對於治療高血壓是否有用。第一位科學家準備把藥物給1000位高血壓患者服用,看看其中有多少人血壓降低了;第二位科學家則想把藥物給500位高血壓患者,另外500位則不給藥,然後再看兩組當中各有多少病人的血壓降低。這兩個醫生的做法哪個比較好?為什麼?
根據米勒,這些問題的選取,以一百年後依然正確的知識為原則,並不刁鑽。再者,美國成年人的成績雖不高,卻在三十三個參與國家裡排名第二,僅次於瑞典,還在日本、蘇俄之上。至於台灣與中國的結果,以及這項調查的意涵,下回再談。
答案
1對;2錯;3錯;4對;5對;6對;7是地球繞太陽轉,轉一圈為時一年;8對;9錯;10對;11錯;12對;13是第二位的做法較好,因為有對照組。
【2009/01/19 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

發明或發現 請先問問牛頓

發明或發現 請先問問牛頓
【聯合報╱黃光國(台灣大學心理學系教授)】
2009.01.19 03:14 amhttp://udn.com/NEWS/READING/X5/4696830.shtml

今年1月2日,《聯合報》「名人堂」登出台大物理系教授孫維新的大作〈牛頓發現了萬有引力?〉,文中宣稱:科學只能「歸納」,不能「演繹」。中興大學齊心教授隨即提出異議:「數學歸納法」中有實例可以證明「歸納法」會導致錯誤的結論。他並以「畢氏定理」為例,說明「理論」並不一定要以「實驗」來做出結論。孫教授的回應是:他的文章所討論的是自然科學的發展過程。「數學理論只要邏輯正確同時內容『自洽』,就可以看做是正確的」,但這與自然科學的理論並不必然有關。
孫教授的這個說法是正確的。從科學哲學的角度來看,自然科學理論中的「綜合命題」涉及自然界的現象,必須用實驗的方法到經驗界中來加以檢驗;數學和邏輯一樣,都是形式性語言,數學理論中的「分析命題」,只能求其內在一致性,根本不能用實驗法來加以檢驗。然而,孫教授主張的:科學只能「歸納」,不能「演繹」,卻代表了「實證主義」的哲學觀,不僅違背了「後實證主義」的科學哲學,而且也和孫教授文章中所舉的許多例子完全相反。
實證主義是法國社會學家孔德(Comte, 1798-1857)在十八世紀率先提出來的一種世界觀,他企圖用這樣的哲學來概括歐洲文藝復興之後的科學發展。實證主義者採取了極端經驗主義的立場,認為只有人類感官經驗到的事實才是唯一的實在;科學理論是由經驗「歸納」出來的,它反映出自然界的真理,所以科學理論中的命題必須用實驗法到經驗界中加以檢驗。
孫教授在課堂上問:「牛頓是『發現』了萬有引力,還是『發明』了萬有引力?」他很不以為然地寫道:「百分之九十的學生會舉手說『發現』,另外百分之十的學生不見得知道正確答案。」孫教授可能不知道:如果他拿同樣的問題問牛頓,牛頓很可能會和那百分之九十的學生一樣,作出同樣的回答。因為這代表了實證主義的世界觀:人只能「發現」上帝所訂的宇宙秩序,不能「發明」。和牛頓同一時代的哲學家寇帝斯(Cotes, 1682-1762)在為牛頓的《自然哲學的數學原理》一書作序時,便毫不含糊地寫道:「這個世界是由於上帝絕對的自由才得以出現。」「我們絕不能從不可靠的推測中去找尋這些法則,而要從觀測和實驗中去瞭解這些法則。」
到了二十世紀初期,在維根斯坦和維也納學圈的努力之下,實證主義的哲學發展得更為完備,並對包括台灣在內的世界學術社群造成重大的影響。然而,1960年代之後,波柏(Popper, 1902-1994)的「進化認識論」卻提出了一種完全相反的世界觀,而開啟了「後實證主義」的時代。波柏認為:科學理論是科學家為了解答特定問題,而建構(發明)出來的。他的名言是:科學家「並不是從自然界中引出規律,而是以不同程度的成功,把理智自由發明的規律強加到自然界」。
孫教授大作中提及:愛丁頓爵士利用1919年的日全蝕,檢驗愛因斯坦理論,引發了「相對論熱潮」,這個故事正是青年波柏思索科哲問題的開始。而愛因斯坦承認相對論是他的「推測」,則是促使波柏撰寫其名著《猜測與反駁:科學知識的增長》的直接原因。試問:愛因斯坦怎麼可能從經驗中「歸納」出相對論?
波柏認為:理論是科學家用批判的理性思考演繹出來的。由於科學理論在本質上只是科學家大膽的猜測,因此必須用實驗方法來加以檢驗。這種檢驗他稱為「否證」,不是實證主義所說的「證實」。他的方法論也因此而稱為「檢驗的演繹法」。
波柏的大弟子費耶本德(Feyerabend)所主張的「科學無政府主義」更是旗幟鮮明的反對經驗主義的「歸納法」。有趣的是:孫教授大作中提到的「天體運動」以及「地心說」和「日心說」之間的爭議,正是費耶本德在《反對方法》一書中用來說明人類感官經驗不可靠的例子。如果科學理論是科學家「歸納」出來的,請問:依照人類的感官經驗,科學家怎麼可能得到「地球繞著太陽轉」的結論?
西方近代學術的發展是以其哲學作為基礎的。所以在西方大學中不管是拿到哪一個領域的博士學位,都稱為「哲學博士」(Doctor of Philosophy, Ph.D.)。波柏的另一大弟子拉卡托斯(Lakatos)在〈科學史及其合理重建〉一文中主張:科學的發展可以作為科學哲學反思的材料;科學哲學的進步又可以回過頭來,引導科學的發展。所以他在該文的標題下寫道:「沒有科學的科學哲學是空洞的;沒有科學哲學的科學是盲目的。」
大多數學者對西方哲學都只有模糊的概念。從事學術研究三十餘年,使我深深體會到:由於我們的學術界長期忽視科學哲學,大家盲目套用西方的研究典範,勤於蒐集實徵資料,發表「跟隨附從」(follow up)式的論文卻「歸納」不出新的理論,所以台灣科學的發展才會顯得既空洞又盲目。希望孫教授引發的這項爭議,能夠使台灣學術界從此重視科學哲學對學術研究的意涵!
【2009/01/19 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

2009年1月15日 星期四

感時篇》在五湖四海播種漢學

感時篇》在五湖四海播種漢學
【聯合報╱張作錦】
2009.01.15 02:14 amhttp://udn.com/NEWS/READING/X5/4690305.shtml

張作錦肯亞一名美術工作者想找一幅敦煌的〈飛天〉圖樣作參考,他不必親自跑到中國,只要點選「國際敦煌計畫」網站(http://idp.bl.uk ),十五萬九千張圖像就湧現在他眼前。
泰國大學一名研究生寫論文,需要引用中國北宋時代佛經《一切如來》上的資料,這本稀有版本的書,目前典藏在美國國會圖書館。他不必千里迢迢的奔向華盛頓,他只要稍作等待,到今年底,國際四大圖書館的「漢籍文獻自動化合作計畫」完成,他可以坐在電腦前,動動手指,就看到這本書。
加拿大一家報館的記者,想寫一篇報導,介紹台灣當代文學,他不懂中文,但是他買到大批台灣作家如黃春明、王禎和、鄭清文、朱天文、蕭麗紅、平路、李喬和張大春等人作品的英譯本。
這些都是「蔣經國國際學術交流基金會」主導和促成的。
當然,這只是他們工作成果的一小部分。成立二十年來,蔣經國基金會在全球四十多個國家,贊助過兩千個學者的研究計畫、上千篇論文、五百本以上的出版品,協助栽培出至少兩百名博士和數十名教授,在歐、美、亞洲設立好幾所「漢學中心」,並經常舉行有重點、有深度的國際漢學會議,當之無愧是「全世界最重要的漢學研究支持者」。
基金會成立於1999年,但構想早有了,不過當時不是為了紀念蔣經國。日本政府在1972年以一千億日圓,成立「日本國際交流基金會」,協助西方學者與日本學人交流互訪,並在歐美各著名大學成立「日本研究講座」。這樣一來,原來各國的「東亞研究」,逐漸偏向「日本研究」,且有取代「漢學研究」的趨勢。海外華人學者感到憂心,認應起而仿效。
1986年四月,大批海外學者簽名的建議書到達蔣經國總統的書桌上。生病的蔣經國那時身體已很虛弱,仍親自寫信給行政院長俞國華和教育部長李煥,基金會就動手籌備了。
蔣經國於1988年1月13日病逝,基金會1999年1月13日成立,就以蔣經國之名命名基金會,來紀念這位對台灣有貢獻的國家領導人。那麼基金會如何定位呢?大家決定重點放在純學術研究。而純學術,就選擇了「中華文化」,因為這個議題「是別的國家拿不走的」。
基金會的性質既然是學術,就應由學術界的人來領導和執行,並應遵守嚴格的學術規範。現在基金會的各項規畫和補助案,均先由專家組成的評議委員會審議,排列出優先順序,再由董事會視預算情況依序選擇。基金會既不干預受贊助人的研究內容,也不要求他們的研究方向。起初各國學界不免因蔣經國之名而想像基金會的政治性,後來體驗到基金會「獨立的精神,自由的思想」,就很樂意與基金會往來,並把與基金會的合作項目列入自己的學術履歷表上。
蔣經國基金會的基金,當時由政府撥款和民間募集,合計台幣二十三億元。但二十年來,基金會各項補助案已支付二十七億元,比原始基金還多。在去年九月,基金尚存三十六億元,金融危機後,目前還有三十一億元。財務之所以健全,一方面是嚴格控制行政費用,另一方面則是基金在國內外儲運得宜。
蔣經國基金會雖然在國際上替台灣贏得了聲譽,但他們戔戔之數的經費今後怎麼走下去?再說,舉世之大,台灣只有這麼一個基金會夠嗎?
1月5日,基金會舉行成立二十周年紀念會,馬英九總統和很多黨政要人都來了,也講了話,但是沒有誰說半句將來怎樣向外推廣中華文化,以藉此發揮國家影響力的話。而媒體只忙著捕捉首長誰口誤、誰用錯了辭彙,也就無暇他顧了。
最近很多人投書報章,批評政府的軍購是浪費。大家也許沒注意到,買三十架阿帕契直升機要花七百五十億新台幣,可以設二十五個蔣經國基金會呢!
有人說,國家的「硬實力」只會使人怕,「軟實力」才會使人敬。實則,台灣的那點「硬實力」,並不會使人怕;但若有「軟實力」,倒真能使人敬。
【2009/01/15 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/
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2009年1月13日 星期二

克魯曼專欄》刺激啟動沒用 救經濟要長期方案

克魯曼專欄》刺激啟動沒用 救經濟要長期方案
【聯合報╱陳世欽譯】http://udn.com/NEWS/WORLD/WOR2/4684534.shtml
2009.01.13 04:13 am

美國準總統歐巴馬被問到,對於他的振興經濟方案被批評不足以拯救美國經濟,有何看法。歐巴馬回答說他願意聽聽各界對於「如何有效花錢並迅速啟動經濟」這個問題的意見。
好的,我先自動對號入座,稍後就會解釋「刺激啟動」(jump-start)的比喻就是問題的一部分。
首先,歐巴馬應該放棄為企業減稅1500億美元的構想,因為它對經濟幾無裨益。他最好也放棄為勞工減稅1500億美元的方案,雖然我明白這是他的競選承諾之一。
未浪擲於無效減稅的經費可提供更多救濟給陷入絕境的美國人,包括提高失業救濟金、擴大聯邦醫療補助等。此外,為什麼不及早開辦保險補助?這個項目的額度可能達到每年1000億美元或更多。如欲達成全民健保的目標,這是必要條件。
最主要的是,歐巴馬必須擴大他的計畫。若想知道為什麼,我們不妨參考歐巴馬經濟團隊彙整的一項新報告。
上周六,經濟顧問委員會主席內定人選羅莫與副總統當選人拜登的首席經濟專家伯恩斯坦聯名公布一項報告,評估歐巴馬經濟方案的可能成果。這份報告的內容相當合理,也非常坦誠,與過去8 年來打迷糊仗的數字遊戲迥然不同,值得肯定。
不過報告同時讓我們看清楚現有的方案不敷振興經濟所需。根據羅莫與伯恩斯坦的說法,歐巴馬的方案可望在2010年的第4季發揮最大的功能。他們認為,如無這套方案,屆時的失業率將達到可怕的8.8%,而即使有這套方案,失業率仍將達到7%,約與目前相當。
報告指出,2010年之後,振興經濟方案的效果將迅速消失,促進全面復甦的目標則仍未達成。估計至2011年的最後一季,失業率仍將是令人頭痛的6.3%。
當前,至少可以這麼說,經濟預估是一門不精確的科學。經濟局勢可能比預估的更好,但也可能更差。報告指出:「部分民間專家認為,如果美國政府未採取行動,失業率可能達到11%。」我贊成歐巴馬經濟團隊另一名重要成員桑莫斯的看法。他最近表示:「在當前的危機下,做得太少的為害程度大於做得太多。」可惜的是,這個原則並未反映在現有的計畫中。
歐巴馬應如何做得更多?答案是,將更多的公共投資納入他的計畫。如果他採取更長遠的眼光,就有可能。
報告指出:「花一美元投資基礎建設,創造就業機會的效率大於減稅一美元。」不過報告也強調,「政府投資於短期內有效落實的空間其實有限」。問題是,為什麼要限定短期?
據我所知,歐巴馬的策士著重於可於未來2年創造就業機會的投資方案。不過由於2年後的失業率可能仍然居高不下,計畫應該同時納入更長期的投資方案。
請記住,即使一項計畫直至2011年才發揮效果,此前幾年也能夠提供重要的經濟輔助作用。如果歐巴馬放棄「迅速啟動」這個字眼,並接受我們需要長期而非短期方案的事實,他一定可以透過政府投資創造更多的就業機會,即使近期亦然。
難道歐巴馬不必靜候美國需要更大規模、更長期方案的證據?不必。歐巴馬方案的投資部分因為缺少「蓄勢待發」的計畫而受到限制。如果歐巴馬立刻下達著手推動的指令,更多投資可在2010年底或2011年源源而至。如果他躊躇觀望,機會將一去不回。
還有一點。即使歐巴馬團隊逐步推動既定計畫,羅莫─伯恩斯坦報告預測,未來3年的平均失業率將達到7.3%。這個數字非常嚇人,而且大到美國經濟面臨真正陷入日本式通縮泥淖的風險。
我建議歐巴馬團隊取消企業減稅的構想。更重要的是,寧可過之,也不要不及。多做的方法是不要再談「刺激啟動」,應更為廣泛地檢視政府投資的各種可能性。
【2009/01/13 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/
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永遠的科技教父——追思李國鼎資政

永遠的科技教父——追思李國鼎資政
【聯合報╱行政院長 劉兆玄】http://udn.com/NEWS/NATIONAL/NAT5/4684603.shtml
2009.01.13 03:22 am

行政院長 劉兆玄本報資料照片
回想和李國鼎資政結緣,要從三十年前談起,一九七九年,我應國科會主委徐賢修之邀,從清華大學借調擔任國科會企劃處處長,當時的李資政,已是望重一時的首席政務委員,他正主持科技發展方案、全力推動科技建設,不僅創立行政院科技顧問組、催生新竹科學園區,對於資訊工業、材料、光電科技等重點科技都著力甚深,他超越時代的視野與魄力,以及互動時展現的前輩風範,我至今仍然十分欽佩。
一九八四年至八七年,我擔任國科會副主委時,正逢李資政戮力擘畫我國科技發展藍圖之際,當時我是李政務委員與國科會主委陳履安聯繫的橋梁,基於這樣的因緣,那幾年與李資政互動頗多,國科會很多重要的政策,例如:推動跨領域任務導向研究計畫、促成中央政府科技預算大幅成長等,都在陳履安主委及李國鼎政務委員共同協調下促成,李資政領導科技發展、統合各部會科技資源,以科技成功帶動台灣經濟發展的遠見,已經成為我們這一代的共同記憶。
一九九一年,吳尊賢先生發起成立李國鼎科技發展基金會,我有幸擔任第一任董事長,並確立基金會的發展宗旨。二○○○年政黨輪替離開政府後,我仍然心繫國家發展,對於科技與高等教育尤其念茲在茲,同時也繼續擔任基金會的董事長,其中當然有著李國鼎先生的身影。或許由於有相似的理工背景與對國家的情感,國鼎先生「科技報國」的情操,我不僅心領神會,而且高度景仰。
「KT」(李國鼎先生英文名字的縮寫)畢生奉獻國家,其謀國之忠、任事之勤,乃至被譽為「立德、立功、立言」三不朽之典範,迄今仍為人津津樂道。在李資政百歲冥誕之際,我要特別向國人同胞推崇的,是他在艱難的環境中奮鬥、挑戰逆境,所展現出的創意與智慧,以及在困難中看到希望、成功化危機為契機的眼光。
李國鼎先生那個年代,絕非太平盛世,歷經美援停止、能源危機、中美斷交等諸多挑戰,李資政卻能洞燭機先、高瞻遠矚,提出諸多前瞻性政策,為台灣的經濟建設注入源源不絕的動力,實屬難能而可貴。李先生是學物理的,但他的全方位視野,使得他在經濟、財政、科技、教育等施政領域,都有重大建樹甚至深遠影響,他不僅是朝野讚譽的「科技教父」,更堪稱「台灣經濟奇蹟的建築師」。
李資政對時代的付出與不可磨滅的貢獻,並沒有隨著時光隧道而褪色,在他二○○一年辭世之後,民眾望治心切,李資政的風範格外令人懷念。當前的時空環境包括媒體文化、政黨政治生態,都與李資政的時代迥異,但是,清廉、專業、遠見與堅持做對國家有益的事,卻依然是這個時代所不可或缺的。
當前全球陷入百年未見的經濟危機,國際性金融海嘯深深衝擊全球經濟,台灣也不可能置身事外。面對當前嚴峻的挑戰,我們沒有悲觀的權利,必須懷抱堅定不移的信心,希望有更多人效法李國鼎———在艱難的環境依然鬥志昂揚,本於謀國之忠、任事之勤,引領國家朝正確的方向前進。
無論是國家或是企業,「度小月」的時刻,最需要勇敢地大力投入基礎建設,同時也是沉澱反省的最好時機,我們應善用這段時間,把過去全力衝成長時沒做好的工作,例如:節能減碳、人才培育、國土規劃等,做好長期規劃、加速落實,只要我們攜手同心、奮鬥不懈,腳踏實地為永續發展扎根、奠基,當海嘯過後,台灣必然迎風再起,進而開創下一波的榮景。
【2009/01/13 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

2009年1月11日 星期日

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新聞:..::李家同:未掌握核心技術 後遺症大::..


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2009年1月10日 星期六

愛是一生的承諾

愛是一生的承諾
【聯合報╱高大鵬】http://udn.com/NEWS/READING/X5/4679888.shtml
2009.01.10 09:33 am

三十三年前母親過世時,他曾在入殮前把一張平安符塞進母親懷袖裡,祝她一路好風安抵天鄉。這個不起眼的小動作卻引來姨媽的注意。事後還特別叮囑他:「百年後我走時,別忘了也給我塞個平安符。」他點點頭,從此再沒提起這事。
三十三年如電抹,八十歲的姨母忽也走到人生盡頭,躺在安寧病房裡不省人事。作外甥的他早已脫離原先信仰且受洗歸主了。雲煙滿紙的符子自然不合適了,在她身邊祈禱也聽不清了。如何報答母親生前最知心的妹妹也最關照他的姨母呢?祈禱中他有個感動,為她禁食(註)禱告四十天!這是《聖經》裡禁食的極致了,他願以行動兌現當年的諾言。
起死回生的奇蹟並未出現,儘管他已禁食了四十四天!最後去見姨媽時,他自己也形銷骨立,令眾親友不勝訝異。「這是我三十三年前對姨媽的承諾。」他邊說邊把一個嵌著聖母子像和十字架的水晶手鐲親手套在姨母的手腕上。當年那個小外甥無言的承諾,他終身都不曾遺忘。
三十三年的承諾、四十四天的禁食,冥冥中萬事像有定數,但愛的奧祕到底大過死的奧祕!望著安詳沉睡的姨媽,神情一如母親入殮當年,他掉淚了,但內心卻有著不可言喻的寧靜與甘甜……
註:指只進流質、不吃固體食物。
【2009/01/10 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/

詩主義》魚

詩主義》魚
【聯合報╱向明】http://udn.com/NEWS/READING/X5/4679885.shtml
2009.01.10 09:33 am

魚很坦然終生堅持一絲不掛讓眾人眼睛鼓鼓的驚訝
魚從來沒有身外的配飾像胸罩像褻衣像耳環像乳膠護臀或含在嘴裡的假牙
除了那與生俱來的發光的鱗片比美黃金甲
魚可以自傲的說一貧如洗也罷
【2009/01/10 聯合報】@ http://udn.com/